When it comes to matters of constitutional governance, the UK has traditionally looked inward rather than outward. The comfortable assumption has been that the constitution which entails the mother of parliaments has no need to take lessons from abroad.

This may explain why it has taken so long for the concept of a devolved regional government (sitting between the state and local government levels) to appear here, while in many other liberal democracies it is a well-established reality.

Since 1998, the concept has been implemented in the UK to a limited extent through what are sometimes conveniently labelled 'the national regions' of Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland.

In each case, the constitutional settlement has been different, reflecting the different historical, political and cultural factors at play in each of these territories.

The National Assembly for Wales, or, to give it its co-official title, Cynulliad Cenedlaethol Cymru, is the body created to fulfil this level of government in Wales. The Assembly is a body corporate, with 60 elected members, who between them elect a first minister, who in turn selects other ministers to form a cabinet.

To understand how the Assembly works, you need to understand the position before it came into being. Since the mid-20th century, there had been a UK cabinet minister entitled the Secretary of State for Wales. He (it was never a she) was responsible for exercising executive powers in certain areas.

These ranged from deciding how public money allocated to Wales was spent in areas such as economic development, health and education, through determining planning appeals, to making regulations or secondary legislation in a wide range of areas and several other functions. These powers were conferred by primary legislation made by the UK Parliament.

Once set up, the Assembly had transferred to it (by instruments called transfer of functions orders) most of the executive powers of the Welsh secretary. Unlike the Scottish Parliament, it was not given any powers to make or amend primary legislation, except in certain very limited cases.

Since then, the Assembly has been given further powers by the UK Parliament, some of which are quite narrow, while others (conferred under 'framework' legislation) give it a broad discretion.

Ascertaining the powers devolved means being able to access the Government of Wales Act (which gave birth to the Assembly), the transfer of functions orders, and the original legislation relating to the functions transferred.

All amendments and repeals of relevant sections, as well as all primary legislation (with appeals and amendments) which has conferred powers directly on the Assembly since it came into existence, also need to be accessed. In many cases, it is necessary to have access to relevant European legislation too.

So the Assembly has significant powers, but these are not always easy to ascertain. This can pose a practical challenge for lawyers who have clients operating, or looking to operate, in Wales. There are various resources available to help the practitioner, but there is still a need for skilful navigation in complex waters.

Perhaps of equal practical importance is the need for lawyers – particularly those advising public bodies, businesses and voluntary organisations operating in Wales – to understand the policy background and the administrative and bureaucratic mechanisms of the Assembly.

Success in achieving client objectives can depend on understanding how policy in key areas in Wales differs from that in England (which tends to be regarded as the norm).

Understanding who is responsible for what can also be of great benefit to clients who need the help or guidance of the Assembly in what they are doing, or who rely on Assembly funding.

Regional government in Wales is young, and like most things young, is developing quickly. Three areas in particular contain actual or potential developments which may make a significant difference to how the Assembly works.

First is the area of accountability. To help the Welsh secretary implement his policies, there were several intermediate statutory bodies ('quangos'), the members of which he appointed. In pre-Assembly Wales, the power of quangos became a controversial topic.

In many quarters, they were seen as undemocratic and unaccountable. The Government of Wales Act gave the Assembly the power to take over the functions of these bodies and abolish them.

Last year, First Minister of the Assembly, Rhodri Morgan, announced the Assembly intended to exercise this power in relation to three of the most significant quangos – the Welsh Development Agency (WDA), dealing with economic development; Education and Learning Wales, which deals with post-16 education and training; and the Wales Tourist Board.

Supporters of this proposal see it as creating greater accountability, in that ministers will be directly answerable to the elected Assembly for activities that are currently carried out by these bodies at arm's length.

The two other matters that could affect the Assembly's workings were not envisaged in the Government of Wales Act, but have evolved as the new body has developed and matured.

Firstly, there is the separation of powers. In strict constitutional law terms, the Assembly is a single executive body. In practice, however, a separation has emerged between that part of the body which actually exercises executive functions from day to day (i.e. the Assembly cabinet and the civil service), and the elected body.

This separation is evidenced by the use of the executive arm of the title Welsh Assembly Government for official purposes. As a consequence, the Assembly operates as if it were two distinct entities – an executive, and a Parliament holding that executive accountable.

The other matter is the extent of the Assembly's powers. There is a view that the piecemeal laws and law-making powers inherited by the Assembly belong to a context where there was minimal democratic scrutiny of their exercise by the secretary of state. It is argued that, given the de facto separation of powers, it would make much more sense to give the Assembly greater power in respect of primary legislation.

As things stand, the Assembly relies on being able to find time in the UK legislative timetable to promote primary legislation, and there have been some notable achievements in this area.

But critics say things might be done more efficiently and coherently if the Assembly could, in appropriate cases, exercise its own primary lawmaking powers within an enabling framework – in other words, something closer to the Scottish model, or the model of the autonomous communities in Spain.

In July 2002, the First Minister appointed a commission, chaired by Lord Richard of Ammanford QC (former EEC commissioner and UK ambassador to the United Nations), to consider, among other things, the adequacy of the Assembly's powers.

Its report was published in the spring of last year. It is a comprehensive and evidence-based document, with the particular merit of being clearly written and presented.

Without going into excessive detail, it concludes that the Assembly should acquire primary law-making powers in certain areas, and that an actual separation of powers is a necessary corollary of this.

As I write, a UK election is looming. So it is uncertain whether, or to what extent, the recommendations of the Richard Commission will be implemented.

However, if they are, it seems likely to me they will deliver a double benefit – making the government of Wales more effective, and the practice of law in Wales less complex.

Emyr Lewis is a partner at Morgan Cole's Cardiff office, where he leads the firm's media law practice, and is a specialist in constitutional law.